Two Rising Star Oromo Artists, Abducted and Under Severe Torture

OLF News, October 3, 2009): OLF News
correspondents reported from Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) that two young
Oromo rising stars whose songs have been extremely popular among the
Oromo population, male artist Haacaaluu Hundasaa and female artist
Dirribee Gadaa, have been abducted by the Tigrean led Ethiopian
government armed personnel on September 15, 2009 and reportedly taken
to the notorious so called Ma’ikelawi prison and are under severe
torture for allegedly “glorifying Oromo fighters by singing”.


The two artists have been increasingly popular
by their songs which praises Oromo heroes who gave their lives for the
just cause of the Oromo people. Artist Dirribee Gadaa is a member of a
music band, known as “Band of Oromo Heroes”, recently formed in Eastern
Shoa zone of Oromia. The video clip of one of her extremely loved songs
have been released and is currently available on YouTube and several other Oromo websites.

In
a related news, an Oromo university student Taayyee Danda’aa, whose
arrest have been reported by OLF News two weeks ago, is reportedly
severely tortured in Ma’ikelawi prison for more than 15 days and
currently disappeared. The report added that it is not known at this
moment if student Taayyee is dead or alive. It is to be recalled that
OLF News has reported arrests of several Oromos from Finfinnee and
Oromia in recent weeks.

Source: OLF News

Acaaluu Hundesaa: Jimmaa Song

Dirribee Gadaa: Geerarsa song

Warra kana keessa Bilisummaa Saba Oromoof Rasaasa Tokko kan dhukaase eenyu?

Hundi keesan hoogana yoo taatan,eenyuun hoogantu?Rakkoon keesan Hoganummaa malee qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo akka hin taane agarsiisa?
Hogana qabsoo bilisummaa ta'uun wareegamanii saba bilisoomsuu malee fashin show miti.

Balaan Diigumsaa Waldaa Hawaasa Oromoo Minnesota Irratti Gaaddisiifate

Waldaan Hawaasa Oromoo Minnesota (WHOM) waldoota Oromoo biyyoota alaatti ijaaraman keessaa isa hangafticha. WHOM bara 1985tti ijaaramee, bara 1995tti haaromfame. Sochii haaromsaa kanaan booda bu’aan argame heddu. Akkuma of haaromseen Galma Oromoo (Oromo Center, Minneapolis) kan saniin dura ijaarame dhuunfachuun ummataaf tajaajila adda addaa kennuu eegale.

Waldaan kun guddinna agarsiiseen yeroo ammaa namoota haga 6 ta’an mindeessuu danda’uu gubbatti galma mataa isaa, bakka rakkataan haajaa isaa itti ba’atu, St. Paul tti bitachuu danda’ee jira. Kuni seenaa waldoota Oromoo biyyoota alaa keessatti isa duraati jechuu dandeenya (DCnis saniin booda galma ofii bitachuu danda’eera).

Minnesotan naannoo ummanni Oromoo kumaatamaan keessa qubatu. Kana waan ta’eef namoonni tajaajila hawaasummaa barbaadan danuudha. WHOM waltajjii Oromoonni hundi akka hawaasaatti itti gargaaramanidha. Bakka Oromoonni loogii amantii, naannoo fi siyaasaa tokko malee afaanii fi aadaa isaaniitiin tajaajila hawaasummaa gara garaa itti argatanidha. WHOM ijaarsota hujiilee Oromoo geggeessan heddu irraa adda kan isa taasisu seeraan bulmaata aadeffachuu fi sirnaa fi tartiiba ijaarsaa (institutional rules and procedures) ifaa qabaachuu qofa osoo hin taane ittiin buluu danda’uu isaati.

WHOM baroota hedduuf Oromtoota naannoo fi ogummaa akkasumas duubbee adda addaatin durfamaa as gahe. Bara 1995 Dr. Seyfu Shukkaare tin geggeeffamaa ture. Dr. Nugusee Birraatuu baallii Dr. Seyfuu irraa fuudhuun hojjatan. Kanatti aansuun kan hoogganummaa WHOM fudhatte Aaddee Johaaraa Mohamed turte. Aadde Johaaraa irraa kan gaafatama fudhate Obbo Nuuroo Daddafooti. Obboo Bulaa Atoomsaa Nuurotti aansee gadaa lamaaf WHO Dura Taa’ummaan erga geggeesseen booda bara 2006 gadaa isaa fixatee baallii Obboo Amaanoo Duubeetti dabarse.

Akkuma armaa olitti arginutti Oromoonni Giddu-galeessa, Baha, Dhihaa fi Kibba Baha Oromiyaatti dhalatan ummataan filamanii carraa WHOM dursuu argataniiru. Naannoon dhalootaa filamuuf ta’ee waldichaa keessatti hirmaachuuf ulaagaa ta’ee hin beeku. Ulaagaan ol’aanaan sagalee ol’aanaa amantaa ummatichaa irraa maddu qabaachuudha.

Balaan kan jalqabe filmaata 2006 irratti kan jedhan jiru. Filmaata kana irratti Obbo Bulaan marroo lamaaf erga tajaajila kenneen booda Obboo Amaanoon bakka buufamuutti kanneen dallanan turaniiru. Jarri lachuu miseensota ABO gameeyyii ta’uu daran waldaa kana keessatti muxannoo fi gumaacha wol madaalu qabu. Akkasumas amalaa fi dandeettii tajaajila kennuu irratti isaan lachuu hiriyaa hin qaban. Hariiroon jara lamaan gidduu tures kan hafuura jaallummaa qabu qofa osoo hin ta’in obbolummaa fi hiriyyummallee kan dabalatu ture. Fakkeenyaaf filmaata 2004 ta’e irratti sagalee ol’aanaa kan argate Obbo Amaanoo ta’uullee innis Obbo Bulaan dura taa’aa waldichaa ta’ee akka filamu deeggarsa laachuun hariiroo kana agarsiisa.

Haa ta’u malee Obbo Bulaan dura taa’ummaa irraa bu’ee Amaanoon bakka buufamuun Shanee biratti ija gaariin akka hin fudhatamin kanneen dhoksa maletti dubbatan jiru.

WHOM tajaajilaafis ta’ee hirmaannaaf akkasumas filmaataaf Oromoota hundaaf banaa ta’ullee kanneen baroota kurnan as aanan kana keessatti hedduminaan hirmaannaa gochaa jiran Oromoo dhalootaan naannoo Kibba Baha Oromiyaa akka ta’an ifaadha. Kanatti aansuun Oromoonni hirmaannaa ol’aanaa qaban Oromoota Dhiya Oromiyaatti dhalatani. Oromoonni naannoo biraa ni takkatu malee sadarkaa hundattuu, miseensummaa irraa kaasee haga hoogganaatti, kan hirmaachaa fi gumaachaa turanii fi jiranis jiru.

Jeequmsi keessa ABO dhuma bara 2006 irraa kaasee haga ar’aatti fulla’ee hariiroo jaallummaa fi obbolummaa akkasumas hiriyummaa kan sunsumaa fi utubaa WHOM ta’uun madda jabinaa ture booressuun ABO keessatti hin dhaabbanne. Balaan isaa WHOM illee dhaqqabee jira. WHOM balaa kana irraa baraaruun gamnummaa gaafata.

Haa ta’u malee WHOM yeroo ammaa balaa jeequmsa siyaasaa bilisummaa Oromoo irraa kan ka’e jireenni isaa gaaffii jala seenaa jira. Sirna jaarmayaa kamittuu mareen qaama bulchiinsaa keessatti godhamuu fi murteen qaama saniin dabru ummata bal’aa keessatti hin faca'u. Sirni Boordiin WHOM bara dheeraaf ittiin hojjataa tures kanuma. Sirna naamusaa, kan sagalee wayyabatti amanuu, murtiin Boordii keessatti ta'e fi mareen kan walttajjii sanaan ala bayee hin odeeffamne ture. Bara kana garuu sirnaa fi safuun kun diiggamee waan boordiin galgala mari'ate ganama hawaasa keessaa haasa’ama. Bu'uura Boordiin irratti mari'atu ganda keessatti irratti mair'atama. Miseensonni boordii tokko tokko safuu fi sirna bulchiinsaa kan bara dheeraa ofii ittiin hojjataa turan diiganii hawaasa walitti buusuuf carraaqqii hangana hin jedhamne godhaa jiru. Manguddoota, darggaggoota fi haawwan akkasumas miseensota gameeyyii hawaasaa tokko tokko yaada isaanii akka deeggaran ganda keessatti addatti qopheessuun waldaalee akka dargaggoo manguddoo fi dubartii keessaan yaada ofii fedhan san dhiibuu fi Oromoon naannoon akka wal shakku, wol sodaatu fi akka walitti bu'u godhuuf duuba deebi'aa hin jiran. Hujii diiggaa hundeen isaa fagoodhaa kana kan irratti hubatan Oromoonni naannoo hundumaa harkatti didaa jiraachuun ifaa dha. Haata'uu malee namoonni dogoggora kana osoo sirritti hin hubatin ololaa fi sobaan haguugamanii sirna bulchiinsa WHOM jeequu barbaadan karaa faallaa fi itti hin milkoofne ta'uu hubatanii akka irraa of eeganii fi mirga isaanii akka Oromoo tokkootti dhimma itti ba’uun waldaa eegalli isaa idaa (negative) doolaara -$6000 irraa ka'ee sadarkaa amma jiru kan qabeenni miliyoona tokko jalatti dhiyaatu kana caalatti cimsuutti fuulleffachuu gamnummaa hojjachuu qaban jenna.

Kuni ta’uun hafee boordiin WHOM yeroo ammaa filmaata 2009 irratti wol qabee jira. Murni hanga tokkoo sagalee ummataa waan sodaataniif filmaanni itti aanu Kutaan akka ta’u dhiibaa jiru. Kutaalee Oromiyaa hundaaf qoodaan (quotan) akka laatamu gaafachaa jiru. Kunis kan ta’eef wolgahii hawaasaa kan hooggana WHOM filu irratti lakkoofsi murna kanaa waan xiqqaatuuf herrega kamiinuu moo’achuu waan hin dandeenyeef akka ta’e eenyu irrallee dhokataa miti. Sodaa isaanii kana garuu soda oromoota hundaa godhanii, akka oromoota kutaa hundaatiif yaadanitti dhiyeessuuf carraaqan. Rakkoo kana furuuf dargaggoo fi manguddoonni Oromoo tattaaffii guddaa gochaa jiran. Haa ta’u malee haala wolshakkii waldhabbii siyaasaa irraa kan ka’e haga ammaatti furmaatni argame hin jiru. Furmaanni ta’uu qabu yoo jiraate sirna dimokiraasii kan eenyuu akka Oromoo tokkootti hanga ammaatti walqixa afeeramee waltajjiin banameefii filuu fi filamuus sagalee isaatiin qooda irraa fudhachaa ture qofa.

Hirmaattonni wolgahii hawaasaa kan Bitoottessa 7, 2009 ta’e irratti argaman yoo guddate 500-700 hin caalan. Kana keessaa yoo xinnaate 50% namoota dhalootaan Kibba Baha Oromiyaa akka ta’an ragaan jiru ifatti agarsiisa. Kuni woggoota dabran kurnan caaluuf waan turee malee kan haaratti mudatee miti. Haalli faallaa kanas naannoo adda addaatti argama. Fkf. Naannoo Washington DC tii Oromoota naannoo dhiyaattu hedduminaan argama; Atlantaatti Oromoota naannoo Bahaattu heddu. Kun ammoo fafaa miti. Hirmaannaan namootaa kutaan yoo walhinmadalle cubbuu miti; fedhii namootaa irratti rarra’a waan ta’eef.
Gaaffiin filmaata WHOM qooda kutaan gochuu hegeree waldichaaf qofa osoo hin taane hegeree sabichaafuu balaa guddaa kan baadhatee dha. Balaa dorrobaa as deemu kana hanqisuun gamnummaa (wisdom) guddaa kan gaafatuudha. Oromoonni Minnesota gaaffii ulfaataa isaan dura jiru kana obsaa fi gamnummaan furuu qaban. Oromoonni naannoo biraa qubatanis haala kana karaa ijaarsaatti fi guddinaatti dhiibuuf gahee taphatan qabu. Rakkooleen akkanaaa naannoo hundumatti bifa walfakkaataan waan faca’aa jiruuf.

Diinni keenya Oromoon akka tokkoomee humna murteessaa mirga isaa gaafatee argachuu danda’u hin taaneef kutaa fi amantiin qoqqodaa keessaan dadhabsiisaa har’a ga’e. Fedhii fi sodaa siyaasaaf jecha tooftaa diinni ummata keenya ittiin kolaase kanatti dhimma baana jechuun tarkaanfii gaafatamummaa fi safuun Oromummaa keessa hin jirreedha.

Murni gariin kufaatii siyaasaa kan irra gaye keessaa bayuu waan dadhabeef afaaniin akka tokkummaaf wabii dhaabbatetti haga gurri duudutti lallabaa, gochaan ammoo tooftaa diigumsaa kanatti dhimma ba’uun nama ajaa’iba.

Qoodni kutaan haa ta’u yoo jedhame daangaa kutaa isa kamitti gargaaramna? Isa Menelik? Isa Haila Sillaasee? Isa Dargii? Isa Wayyaanee? Daangaan kutaa kan sirnoota afran kana keessatti turan tasa wol hin fudhatan. Sirnuma tokko keessattuu daangaa kutaa maraa heddu jijjiiramee beeka. Fakkeenyaaf haga 1955tti Harargee fi Baale kutaa tokko turan. Ras Masfin Silashii mooticha yeroosiif amanamaa waan ta’eef Kutaa Arsii irraa konyaa sadi muratee kutaa Shawaatti dabale. Akkasumas naannoo Leeqaa Naqamtee kutaa Wallaggaa keessa hin turre. Naannoo Iluu Abbaa Booraa irraa achi hambisuun Naqamteen Wallaggatti dabalamuu qofa osoo hin taane handhuura kutaa Wallaggaa taate. Naannoo adda addaattis wanni ta’e kanuma fakkaata.
Moototni alagaa Oromiyaa akka bulchiinsaa fi hacuuccaaf tolutti qircaa godhachaa ba’an; ammas itti jiru. Sadakrkaa sabni Oromoo yeroo ammaa irra jiru keessatti filmaatni hawaasaa qooda kutaan ta’u malee jedhamee yoo dadhabame waldicha diigna jechuudha?

Filmaatni sirna dimokraasii wojjiin deema. Sirna dimokraasii keessatti wanni guddaan sagaleen nama hundaatuu wolqixatti lakkaa’amuu danda’uudha. Filmaata qooda kutaatin haa goonu yoo jedhame sagaleen namoota namoonni naannoo isaanii hedduminaan Minnesota jiraatan ni sharafama. Fakkeenyaaf Jimma irraa namni hawaasa kana keessatti hirmaataa jiru nama 10 hin ga’u. Wallagga irraa ammoo namoonni hirmaataa jiran dacha heddu ta’u (mee fakkeenyumaaf 200 jennee haa fudhannu). Kutaa lamaaniifuu boordii keessatti mirgi nama 2 bakka buufachuu haa kennamuuf yoo jedhame, gatiin saglee Oromtichaa ykn Oromtittii fedhii Waaqayyoo ta’ee Wallaggatti dhalate/dhalatte tokkoo dhibba keessaa 5% gadi caba jechuudha. Kuni faallaa sirna dimokraasii ti.

Kana wojjiin Oromoota Oromiyaa keessatti hin dhalatin, biyyoota baqaa adda addaa keessatti dhalatan, Ameerikatti dhalatanii guddatan, kutaa kam keessatti herreegamu? Qondaaltota WHOM kutatu addatti taa’ee filataa? Kuni WHO ni jabeessaa? Boru kutaa tokko keessatti namoonni konyaa ykn aanaa tokkoo yoo heddummaatan akkam ta’a?

Dhugaadha sirni dimokraasii hanqinna ni qaba. Garuu guddinna hawaasummaa fi qarooma beekumsa haga ar’aa irra gahetti sirni sirna dimokraasii irra wayyaa ta’e hin jiru. Namoonni naannoo Oromiyaa adda addaa irraa dhufan caarraa filuu fi filamuu walqixa qabaachuun barbaachisaa dha. Kuni waan jajjabeeffamuu qabu. Akka ulaagaatti namoonni filmaataaf manatti dhiyaatan naannoo adda addaa irraa ta’uun badaa miti. . Haa ta’u malee kan filaman sagalee ummataan ta’uu qaba. Ummanni yoo barbaade obbolaa filee irroomsuuf mirga qaba. Mirga kanatti gamnummaan akka gargaaramu gorsuu fi karaa qabachiisuun ammoo kan hooggantootaati. Kun kanaan duras walgayii hawaasa hundumaa irratti godhamaa ture. Haga ar’aatti waan argine irra dhaabbannee yoo laalle ummanni Oromoo saba gamna. Muxannoon kan agarsiisu Oromoon nama isaaf hojjatu, naannoo kana ykn san irraa dhufe jechuu qofaan hin balfu. Oromoonni filmaata tokko keessaa qooda fudhatan sagaltamnillee nannoo tokkorraa ta’anii yeroo isaan nama naannoo isaanii irraa ala ta’e filan lakkaa’amee hin dhumu.

Yeeroo ammaa kana heddumminni hawaasa keennaa kan yaadaa jirtan hawaasa dafqa ilmaan oromoo hanga tokkootiin sadrkaa kana gaye akkamitti baldhifanna; akkamitti galma baldhaa dhimma hawaasummaa (cidhaa, eebba barattootaa, guddisa ijoollee, haara galfannaa manguddootaa, aadaa guddifachuu, barnoota adda addaa itti babaldhisuu fi kkf yaada ta’e qabaachuu danddeenna jechaa akka jirtan abdii qaba. Kun yaada hedduu eebifamaa fi kan yeeroo kanatti yaadu mallesi. WHOM nama oromoo kamiinuu dhimma inni gargaaramuuf gaafate irratti tajaajiluu ykn gara tajaajilli sun itti argatutti akeekuu malee ilaalcha siyaasaa ykn amantii isaa gaafachuu hindanda'u. Oromoonni WHOM keessatti qaxaramanii tajaajilanille seeraa fi heera waldayichaa jelatti hojjatu, tajaajilas kennu. Seera sanaan alatti eenyuunuu gufachiisuu ykn mufachiisuuf mirga hinqaban. Akkuma oromoo kamittuu mirgi isaan hawasa keessatti qaban nama oromoo biraatiin walqixa. Sadarkaan oromummaa keennaa walcaaluu hindanda'u. Sadarkaan miseensummaa hawaasaa walcaaluu nimala; akkaataa qooda itti kenninu irratti hundaawee.
Yeeroo adda addaatti namoonni adda addaa akkaataa hojjattoonni tokko tokko WHOM keessatti nama keessummeessan irraa qurrama garaa garaa akka himatan nihubatama. Qurrama kamuu qabaannaan oromoon kamuu sirnaan bulchiinsatti dhiyeeffatee deebii arggachuun mirga isaati. Fuulduraaf haalli akkasii akkamitti dhabamuuu qaba jennee hundi keennaa itti yaaduu qabna. Kan hubatamuu qabu WHOM kan siyaasaa kamuu addatti utubu; kan amantii kamuu addatti leellisu; kan gandummaa ykn naannummaa kamuu addatti olkaasee isa nannoo biraa fageessu ykn dhiibu ta’uu hindanda’u, qabeenya murna kamiituu waan hintaaneef. Kan ta’uu qabu beekaa fi wallaalaa isaallee walqixatti ulfeessee walqixxummaan tajaajiluu qofa. Kanaaf hawaasni keenna bifa san akka qabaatu sirna walqixxummaa ilama namaa; sirna dimokiraasiitti akka bulu hundumti oromoo itti yaaduu qabna.

Oromoon ganama ka’ee buna yoo faateffatu, “Yaa Waaq, dogoggora irraa nu oolchi…” jedhee kadhata. Leelliftoonni Shanee woldhabbii siyaasaa kan bubbee (wind) fi lolaan (flood) yeroo fudhatee dabruuf dogoggora seenaa raawwachuu irraa of qabuu qaban. Sagalee ummataaf abboomamuu fi sirna dimokiraasiitti buluu qaban. Qondaaltonni WHOM tokko tokko seenaa cululuqaa qaban dantaa siyaasaaf jecha qisaasuu irraa of qabuun WHOM badii irraa baraaruu qaban.

Duula maraatuu (madness) kan ofii of balleessuu fi of diiguu, kan beekaa ta’ee dantaaf deemsifamaa jiru kana, dura dhaabbachuun gaafatama Oromummaati. Dhimma ulfaataa akkanaa irratti “ani gama lachiifuu hin baabsu/loogu” jechuun gaafatama jalaa hin baasu.


Tokkummaan Humna!

Mucuca Seenaa Irraa Waaqni Oromoo Nu Haa Baraaru!!

Wind of protest in the army: Ethiopian soldiers and officers based in the east of the country are accusing their hierarchy of discrimination.

Wind of protest in the army: Ethiopian soldiers and officers based in the east of the country are accusing their hierarchy of discrimination.

May 2nd 2009 - According to information obtained by The Indian Ocean Newsletter, the complaints by soldiers and officers based in Harar and Jijiga have reached the ears of their high command. Their accusations concern various forms of discrimination (for example, dismissing some soldiers without compensation, while others are given it, unfairness in promotions, Tigrayan soldiers and officers have separate doctors from other ethnic groups). The Tigrayan General Igziabher Mebrat went on the spot to calm down the tempers. He got carried away during one meeting with soldiers: he displayed an Ethiopian flag and said “we have enough enemies; we must stay united in the interest of Ethiopia”. The Amhara General Abebaw Tadesse also came to speak to the angry soldiers. These two high-ranking officers promised to come back with the answers from the ministry of defence. But meanwhile, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi summoned General Samora Yunis and other Tigrayan generals and asked them to put an end to this fledgling agitation within the army.



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TPLF Regimes Sets Up Special Force to Crash Popular Uprising, Say Defecting Ethiopian Soldiers

15 May 2009 Asmara — Ethiopian soldiers who arrived in Eritrea recently opposing the TPLF regime's policies said that the regime has set up a special force to crash the mounting popular uprising in that country. They pointed out that the setting up of the special force is designed to suppress opposition on the part of the general public and members of the Army. The soldiers further disclosed that the prevailing opposition and chaos inside the Army is the result of the mass arrest and liquidation, as well as the resist policies being pursued by the regime.The defecting soldiers are Osman Abdalla and Weyesa Bekele, both from the Oromo ethnic group.

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The Tigreans domination of the military

Several Ethiopian scholars and political commentators alike have argued in the past that the TPLF regime in Ethiopia has been promoting the domination of a minority ethnic elite, i.e., the Tigreans, in all spheres of the nation’s life — economy, military, intelligence and security services, foreign affairs, etc. Much has been said and many have commented upon the blatant nature of the drive to ensure the domination of Tigrean elites who claim to represent only 6% of close to 80 million Ethiopians.

Below one can find list of the names, positions, and ethnic compositions that exist in the current so-called national military in Ethiopia:

The most senior Command posts of the Defense Ministry
Chief of Staff, General, Samora Yunus, Tigre
Training Department, Lt. General Tadesse Worede, Tigre
Logistics Department, Lt. General Geazi Abera, Tigre
Military Intelligence Department, Brg. General Gebredela, Tigre
Operations Department, Lt. General Gebre Egziabiher, Tigre
Engineering Department, Lt. General Berhane Negash, Tigre
Air force, Brg. General Mola Haile Mariam, Tigre
Heads of the four commands

Central Command, Lt. General AbebawTadesse, Agew
Northern Command, Lt. General Seare Mekonnen, Tigre
South Eastern Command, Maj. General Abraha W. Gabriel, Tigre
Western Command, Brg. General Siyoum Hagos, Tigre
Division Commands


31st Division Commander, Colonel Tsegaye Marx, Tigre
33rd Division Commander, Colonel Kidane, Tigre
35th Division Commander, Colonel Misganaw Alemu, Agew
24th Division Commander, Colonel Work Aieynu, Tigre
22nd Division Commander, Colonel Dikul, Tigre
14th Division Commander, Colonel Woedi Antieru, Tigre
21st Divison Commander, Colonel Gueshi Gebre, Tigre
11th Division Commander, Colonel Workidu, Tigre
25th Division Commander, Colonel Tesfai Sahel, Tigre
20th Division Commander, Colonel, Teklai Klashin, Tigre
8th Mechanized Division, Colonel Jemal Mohamed, Tigre
4th Mechanized Division, Colonel Hintsaw Giorgis, Tigre
19th Division Commander, Colonel Wodi Guae, Tigre
44th Division Commander, Colonel Zewdu Teferra, Agew
13th Division Commander, Colonel Sherifo, Tigre
12th Division Commander, Colonel Mulugeta Abraha, Tigre
32nd Division Commander, Colonel Abraha Teslim, Tigre
6th Mech. Div. Commander , Colonel Gebre Medhin Fekad, Tigre
23rd Division, Commander, Colonel Wold Beilalom, Tigre
43rd Division Commander, Colonel Wodi Abate, Tigre
26th Division Commander, Colonel Mebratu, Tigre
7th Mech. Div. Commander, Colonel Gebre Gebre Mariam, Tigre

Defense Ministry Departments and other specialized Units


Agazi Commando Div., Commander, Brg. General Muhamed Aisha, Tigre
Addis Ababa Security Division, Colonel Zenebe Amare, Tigre
Palace Security Force, Commander, Colonel Geresenay, Tigre
Banks’ Security Force, Commander, Colonel Hawaz Woldu, Tigre
Engineering College, Commander, Colonel Halefom Ejigou, Tigre
Heath Science College, Commander, Colonel Tesfaye Giday, Tigre
Mulugeta Buli Technical College Commander, Colonel Meleya Amare, Tigre
Resource Management College Commander, Colonel Letayi Tigre
Staff & Command College, Commander, Brg General Tesfaye Giday Tigre
Bilate Training Center, Commander, Colonel Salih Berihu, Tigre
Hurso Training Center, Commander, Colonel Negash Hiluf, Tigre
Awash Arba Training Center, Commander, Colonel Muze, Tigre
Bir Shelko Training Center, Commander, Colonel Negasi Shekortet, Tigre
Head of Admin., the Ministry of Defense, Brg.Gen. Mehari Zewde, Tigre
Dejen Defense Aviation, Head, Brg General Kinfe Dagenew, Tigre
Defense Ministry, Head of Research, Brg. Gen. Halfom Chento, Tigre
Defense Ministry, Head of Legal Affairs, Colonel Askale, Tigre
Head of the Office of the Chief of Staff, Colonel Tsehaye Manjus, Tigre
Head of Indoctrinated Centre , Brg. General Akele Asaye, Amhara
Head of Communication, Colonel Sibhat, Tigre
Head of External Affairs, Colonel Hasene, Tigre
Head, Special Forces coordinating Center, Brg. Gen Fiseha Manjus, Tigre
Head of operations Department, Colonel Wodi Tewik, Tigre
Planning and Program Department Head, Colonel Teklai Ashebir, Tigre
Defense Industry Coordinating Head, Colonel Wodi Negash, Tigre
Head of Finance in the Ministry of Defense, Colonel Zewdu, Tigre
Head of Purchasing in the Ministry of Defense, Colonel Gidey, Tigre
Head of Budget Department, Ato Brehane Tigre

Ethiopia: Oromo from across Europe converge on Brussels and call to stop aid to Ethiopia’s repressive regime

Ethiopia: Oromo from across Europe converge on Brussels and call to stop aid to Ethiopia’s repressive regime

A call to place aid to Ethiopia under greater scrutiny and to bring pressure to bear on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to ensure the respect of human rights in Ethiopia has brought Oromo from all over Europe onto the streets of Brussels. Below is the Press Release from UNPO (Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization) and UOSE (Union of Oromo Students in Europe):

22 May 2009, Brussels - Oromo activists from across Europe converged on Brussels today to raise international awareness of the ongoing human rights abuses being perpetrated in Ethiopia under the administration of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. Marching from the European Commission’s Berlaymont building, demonstrators crossed the city of Brussels to bring their message to the embassies of both the United Kingdom and the United States.


Oromo representatives explained to international media the importance of the protest as a means of bringing scrutiny to bear on Ethiopia ahead of the 2010 elections and the environmental degradation that was going unchecked at the same time as human rights were being eroded.

As part of the protest, letter of appeal were issued to the European Commission, Members of the European Parliament, representatives of the African, Caribbean, and Pacific states, and the embassies of the United States and United Kingdom.

The appeal made the following calls:

* That the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees initiate an inquiry into allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by the Ethiopian Government;
* That European Union (EU) member states to raise the issue of human rights in Ethiopia with the Ethiopian government;
* That EU member states to express a collective and public concern at the human rights situation in Ethiopia, including a call for the release of all detained political prisoners;
* That European companies, their Ethiopian partners, and the Ethiopian government adhere to international environmental standards and obligations;
* That a mechanism capable of bringing together all stakeholders in resolving Ethiopia’s internal conflicts be established and supported;
* That the Ethiopian government is held publicly accountable for all aid donated to, or channelled through, its departments.

PDF FILE of the Press Release from UNPO (Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization) and UOSE (Union of Oromo Students in Europe)

Europe-Based Oromo Call for Protest Against Meles | EMF

Europe-Based Oromo Call for Protest Against Meles | EMF

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Princess Kemeria in the City of Love « Oromantic’s Weblog

Princess Kemeria in the City of Love « Oromantic’s Weblog

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Oromia: Oromo Liberation Front rebels have been sighted in Isiolo

Oromia: Oromo Liberation Front rebels have been sighted in Isiolo

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The Ethiopian State and the Future of the Oromos

The Ethiopian State and the Future of the Oromos: The Struggle for ‘Self-Rule and Shared-Rule’
By Merera Gudina (Ph.D),
Associate Professor; Dept. Political Science & International Relations in Addis Ababa University. Chairman of the Oromo People's Congress (OPC) opposition party of Ethiopia with 42 seats in the Ethiopian Federal parliament and 135 seats in Oromia regional parliament.
I. Introduction
In the historical continuum that informs the ‘making and remaking’ of modern Ethiopia, while the second half of the 19th century had been shaped by the wars of incorporation and state formation on unequal terms, in many major ways, the second half of the 20th century has been shaped by class and national struggles intended to end the existing asymmetrical relations. In the other words, while the wars of the 19th century were for the ‘making’ of modern Ethiopia, the struggles of the 20th century have been for the reversal of the same historical process that created the multi-ethnic polity of Ethiopia. To put more specifically, the class and national/ethnic struggles of 1960s and 1970s that precipitated the revolutionary upheaval of 1974, the various struggles that led to the change of regime in 1991 and the ongoing struggles for self-rule and democracy are all part of the ‘remarking’ of Ethiopia on equal terms.
A closer look at the nature of the perennial struggles for the ‘remaking’ of Ethiopia clearly shows the centrality of the competing ethnic nationalists claims for an equitable share of power and resources under the command of the state. (Merera 2002) A further closer observation also shows that the same way the regional autonomy formula of the military regime, which was informed by and presented as a socialist project failed to address the competing claims, the present regime’s ethnic based federal setup, which is designed along a liberal democracy trajectory appears to be failing to produce the desired result. That means, what is being implemented, as democratization and shared rule by the new regime to address the demands and claims of the country’s diverse communities seem to be leading to a dead-end. The central problem is the contradictory actions of the regime, its democratization and decentralization policy on paper and centralization in practice, which has failed to make a major departure from the country’s past autocratic/authoritarian political trajectory. Hence, democratization in a manner that ensures both self-rule and shared-rule in the Oromia region, which is the focus of this study, is a classical case in point, in terms of the degree of failure of the regime’s policies and the continued struggle for real autonomy and democracy on the part of the local population.
This study explores and assesses the democratization experiment in Ethiopia by weighing against the demand of the Oromo people for self-rule and shared-rule on the one hand, and the promises made on paper by the government in power on the other. As such, the central argument of this study is that the top-down approach of the ruling-party, which is inspired by its hegemonic aspiration, is seriously impeding the hoped for democratization process and the demand for shared-rule as well as self-rule thereof by multitudes across the country. The study also discusses the role of the Oromo people in the democratization of the Ethiopian state and society in the interest of all.
II. The Creation and Evolution of the Modern Ethiopian State and the Incorporation of the Oromos on Unequal Terms
2.1. Oromos Own Expansion
The southern march of imperial Ethiopia had been preceded by centuries of Oromo penetration into ‘historic Ethiopia’. To be sure, ample historical records demonstrate the northern march of Oromo, at least, as of the second half of the 16th century. And, by the turn of the 18th century Oromo penetration into the Abssinian heartland was clearly visible and the elite produced by this group of Oromo were playing a dominant role by making the ruling houses of Gonder, Wallo, Gojjam and Shewa. In what appeared to be the culmination of the ascendancy of the Oromo elite, it was able to dominate ‘historic Ethiopia’ during much of the ‘Era of the Princes’. In fact, a clearly stated central mission of Tewodros was to end the supremacy of the Oromo. The Yejju princes who dominated the imperial politics at Gondernand later produced political wizards like Taitu, king Michael (Mohammed Ali) who fathered Iyassu who destined to briefly controlled the empire created by Menilek and king Takle-Haymanot of Gojjam were all products of Oromos penetrated ‘historic’ Ethiopia centuries before the onset of the reverse expansion to the south in the second half of the 19th century. Consequently, during the time of expansion the Oromo elite stood both sides of the fence – part of the conquerors and the conquered, which makes the Oromo history - a dual history.

2.2. Incorporation of Bulk of the Oromo Population on Unequal Terms and the Beginning of Dual History
When the process of the creation of a modern multi-ethnic empire-state (1) started by Tewodros around the 1850s, historic Ethiopia had been under feudal anarchy for over eighty years and central authority existed only in name (Getahun, 1974; Bahru, 1991; Teshale, 1995). The dream of Tewodros was to unite historic Ethiopia by ending both feudal anarchy and the supremacy of the Oromo elite during the period. In fact, although the then dominant mobilizing factors were religion and region, Tewodros was the first modern Ethiopian ruler who explicitly recognized the ethnic factor in his project of empire building and consciously challenged the supremacy of the Oromo princes over the Abyssinian kingdom. Thereafter, ethnicity was to become one of the key factors in the modus operandi of the Ethiopian State, although it remained as an undercurrent up to the 1960s. (2)
After a brief period of Yohannes’s rule from 1872 - 1879, a new power centre emerged in Shewa under the leadership of Menelik. It was this new power centre, though peripheral to historic Ethiopia that destined to transform profoundly the history, geography and demography of the Ethiopian State by the turn of the 20th century (Donham & James, 1986; Bahru, 1991; Teshale, 1995).
Shewan expansion started in Shewa itself with the Oromo of Shewa (Bahru, 1991) and rapidly extended to the rest of the south. One kingdom after another and one independent principality after another succumbed to the vast Shewan army. And, outnumbered, out-gunned and mostly divided, some of the local people submitted peacefully while others put up heroic but futile resistance (Getahun, 1974; Bahiru, 1991; Addis Hiwot, 1975). Menelik's campaign successfully tripled the size of the empire and brought in not less than several dozens of ethnic groups of diverse languages and cultures.
The core of the power élite of the emerging empire-state was the Shewa Amhara élite who successfully incorporated and assimilated the Oromo élite of Shewa with its three-pronged ideology of Orthodox Christianity, Amhara cultural ethos and Ethiopian unity with Shewa as its centre. Once the task of incorporating the Oromo élite of Shewa into the emerging politico-military structure was accomplished, the conquest of the other regions became far easier and the whole expansion took less than a quarter of a century, as access of the Shewan army to European firearms dramatically changed the balance of force. The role played by firearms appeared decisive, especially from the Oromo nationalists' perspective (3) (Asafa, 1993; Holcomb & Sisai, 1990).
Outside of Shewa, Menelik and his generals extended the war of conquest to the west, east and south. Menelik won a decisive victory in 1882 at the battle of Embabo, in today’s Western Oromia. This opened western Oromo lands whose rulers submitted one after another with little or no resistance. Four years later (1886), Arsi fell despite tenacious resistance by its population. The fall of Arsi allowed Menelik's army to march southeast to capture the eastern city-state of Harar at the battle of Chelenquo in 1887. The conquest of these regions gave Menelik access to real wealth - coffee and gold among other things – which significantly enhanced his political position and military might in the then emerging modern empire state of Ethiopia (Getahun, 1974; Addis Hiwot, 1975; Bahru, 1991). And, for a century to come the Shewan Amhara elite, the embodiment of Orthodox Christianity, Amharic language and the Abyssinian cultural values, dominated multi-ethnic Ethiopia in a manner hitherto unprecedented in the country's long recorded history.
After the creation of the empire state was completed, the creation of 'one Ethiopian nation' continued under what was then termed Makinat (pacification and/or colonization). Makinat involved evangelization of the local population, institutionalization of a new system of political control, and imposition of a new political class, culture and language on the indigenous population such as the Oromo. And as the result, new centres of political and military control, generally known as Ketemas or garrison towns were mushroomed across the South. (4)
As part of the same process, cultural subjugation was carried out through Amharization, which accorded the Amhara culture pride of place as national culture and the Amharic language the lingua franca of the Ethiopian state (Addis Hiwot, 1975; Teshale, 1995). The imposition of the Amharic language became increasingly critical over the years as it became the sole language of the court and administration and non-Amharic speakers such as the Oromos had to depend on interpreters. It also became the language willy-nilly to be learned at school and later the medium of instruction for students below the secondary level, which negatively affected the employment opportunities for non-Amharic speakers. The cumulative effect of all these measures was exacerbation of ethnic domination that left a permanent grievance in the memory of the subjected peoples of the South where the bulk of the Oromo population live. (Getahun, 1974; Teshale, 1995).
Here, one of the more enduring, repressive and damaging parts of the 'nation-building' measures was the imposition of a new type of political control in the newly conquered regions of the South (Getahun, 1974). The conquest had been bloody and the fate of millions was left to the mercy of the conquistadors. The subjected peoples paid very dearly in land, produce and the corvée labour imposed on them. The land of the indigenous people was forcefully taken away and given to the military and quasi-military administrators and the soldiers under their command (Addis Hiwot, 1975; Gebru T., 1996).
Furthermore, to grab the new opportunities created in Oromo areas and much of the South, the élite and the surplus population from the North flocked to these areas as administrators, court officials, soldiers, interpreters and priests. An alien system of rule known as a neftega (settlers) system of political, military and economic control through the intermediary of the gun was imposed on the southern peoples. (Markakis, 1974; Teshale, 1995). Notably, this was a vastly different system from that applied in the North, underscoring the North-South dichotomy in the country's political economy until the democratic upsurge of 1974.
Seen in a comparative perspective, the Shewan expansion and the resultant politico-economic consequences were far more brutal and devastating in the south than in the north. In the north, it was the issue of re-unifying regions, which had been part of the Abyssinian polity for centuries, and peoples who shared the Christian tradition and Abyssinian cultural ethos for millennia (Getahun, 1974; Markakis, 1974; Addis Hiwot, 1975; Teshale, 1995). In the South, it was the issue of mostly bringing into the emerging empire-state new lands and new peoples on unequal terms. For the South, the outcome was a dual oppression: national as well as class. So here we have the North-South dichotomy: one polity but two markedly different systems. (5)
In this regard, Addis Hiwot presents the following picture:
After the creation of the multi-national empire-state by the Shewan feudal principality, especially after the conquest and the effective occupation and incorporation of the south, southwest and southeastern areas, a classical system of feudal serfdom was established. An extensive process of land confiscation and the enserfment of the indigenous peasants took place. The religious, cultural and linguistic differences between the feudal conquistadors and the process of enserfment gave a still more brutal dimension; the aspect of national and religious oppression accentuated the more fundamental aspect of class oppression. (Addis Hiwot, 1975: 30f)
As Addis Hiwot has correctly observed, oppression was very severe, and can be equated to 'internal colonialism', a term preferred by Oromo and Somali nationalists with the agenda of separation and adopted by several Oromo and non-Oromo academics (Donham & James 1986; Holcomb & Sisai, 1990).
In a nutshell, Haile Sellasie, who emerged as a real successor to Menelik, despite his Oromo blood, continued the 'nation-building' process on a much more naked and narrow ethnocratic basis, which further deepened national inequality among the varied ethnic groupings of Ethiopia, which in turn later led to the rise of ethnic-based liberation movements (Teshale, 1995; Gebru T., 1996).
III. The Rise of Modern Oromo Nationalism and the Struggle for the Right to Self-determination
By 1960 the imperial regime began to show visible signs of decay, which had created a better condition for the forces of change to emerge. As Bahru (1991: 209) summed up the events of the day: ‘Opposition to the regime … had many facets. Peasants rebelled against increasing demands on their produce. Nationalities rose in arms for self-determination. Intellectuals struggled for their vision of a just and equitable order.’ In the post-1960 period the new challenges against the regime increasingly began to take the form of either class or national struggles. To put more specifically, the Ethiopian Student Movement (ESM) began championing the common class struggles against the imperial regime while the Eritrean and Oromo movements became the bearers of the national and/or regional struggles (Kiflu, 1993).
Ethnic nationalism in the Ethiopian context was engendered, as indicated earlier, in a century of political, economic and socio-cultural domination of the Amhara élite over others (Getahun, 1974; Addis Hiwot, 1975). It was shaped by the collective action of the marginalized ethnic groups against political domination, land alienation and cultural suppression in 1960s and early 1970s (Gebru T., 1977; 1996). As the ESM also recognized the multi-faceted injustice perpetrated against the marginalized ethnic groups, the national and class struggles against the imperial regime reinforced each other. In fact, political mobilization along class and national lines, which were to become the dominant forms of struggle in the post-1960 period, were largely the logical outcome of national and class oppression - the bedrock of most injustices under the imperial regime (Addis Hiwot, 1975; Markakis, 1987).
In the case of the Oromo, the first Oromo-wide movement was the Macha & Tuluma Self-help Association. This organization, which is considered by many Oromos as the pioneer of modern Oromo nationalism has contributed immensely to the creation of self-awareness among the Oromo youth. Put differently, the fermentation of modern Oromo nationalism began among the Oromo élite, who were increasingly aware of their secondary status in the imperial regime's military and civilian bureaucracy in the first years of the 1960s (Olana, 1993; Merera 2002). Although their self-help association, the Matcha & Tulama, was quickly banned and its leaders either killed, imprisoned or deported to solitary confinement in remote areas, the idea lived on and later was taken up by Oromo students and the younger-generation intellegentsia, who totally radicalized the Oromo question by elevating it to the level of the demand for the 'right to self-determination…'. In fact, it was at this point in time (1970 - 1974) that the ideology of the colonial thesis took shape among the Oromo élite [see Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) Programme, 1976]. Consequently, the colonial thesis was destined to become the major underpinning of political mobilization for most of the Oromo élite to this date (Merera, 2002). After the Matcha & Tulama Self-help Association, the Bale Oromo resistance against land alienation and unbearable taxation served as an additional catalyst for the growth of modern Oromo nationalism (Gebru T., 1977 & 1996). And, the two movements together have served as the genesis of modern Oromo nationalism.
IV. Responses of the Imperial and Military Regimes to the Quest of the Oromos for Self-Rule
4. 1. The Response of the Imperial Regime to Oromo Self-Assertion
By mid-1960s, the Matcha & Tulama Self-help Association had begun to attract the Oromo elite of the day, which signalled to the imperial regime, both the possibility and the coming danger from Oromo nationalism. The Bale Oromo uprising had further raised the spectre of an Oromo-wide armed movement that could be supported by the Somalia Republic against the imperial establishment. In fact, the Bale uprising was a more sustained struggle and had a reverberating effect among the radical Ethiopian students in general and the Oromo intelligentsia in particular (Kiflu, 1993).
The response of the imperial regime to the emerging Oromo nationalism was both quick and brutal. The leaders of the Matcha & Tulama Self-help Association were herded to prison, where some died and others served long years of prison terms while the guerrilla fighters of Bale, outnumbered and outgunned, were forced to be disbanded and their leaders negotiated for minor posts. But, despite the ability of the imperial regime to suppress both movements, the seeds of modern Oromo nationalism had already been sown, and a more radical demand for the right to self-determination was soon to galvanize the Oromo intelligentsia and youth in 1970s, which partly contributed to the popular revolution of 1974 that ended an out of date autocracy.
4.2. 'Garrison Socialism' and State Response to Ethnic Nationalism: The Regional Autonomy Formula
The Ethiopian military with its own limitations as inheritor of imperial Ethiopia wanted to transform the country without making a major break with the country's imperial past regarding the national question, which had been the major source of crisis of the Ethiopian State. Not surprisingly, when they assumed state power in September 1974, Ethiopia's military élite had no well-thought-out political programme of any kind, except the vague motto of 'Ethiopia Tikdam’ (Ethiopia First). But they moved fast with the winds of the day, and began to flirt with the civilian lefts' political agenda of a socialist revolution soon after their take-over of power. To this end, it immediately adopted socialism as the official ideology on 20 December 1974, both to capture the imagination of the revolutionary youth, who were to be sent to the countryside to organize the peasantry for the support of the unfolding revolution and to compete with the civilian left for revolutionary leadership.
According to the then prescription to be a revolutionary and to improve its socialist credentials, the military committee nationalized many private business firms throughout the country. Then came the March 1975 Land Reform Proclamation, which mostly addressed the main historical grievance of the varied ethnic groups in much of the South such as the Oromo. The decree on religious equality and the separation of Church and state in Ethiopia was also part of the new regime's response to the religious/ethnic inequality perpetuated under the imperial regime (Kiflu, 1993). However, a more programmatic and direct response to the rising demands of ethnic nationalisms came with the declaration of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in April 1976. The regional autonomy formula was included in the NDR programme as part of building socialism in Ethiopia, which reads in part:
The right to self-determination of all nationalities will be recognized and fully respected. No nationality will dominate another one since the history, culture, language and religion of each nationality will have equal recognition in accordance with the spirit of socialism.
The unity of Ethiopia's nationalities will be based on their common struggle against feudalism, imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and reactionary forces. This united struggle is based on the desire to construct new life and a new society based on equality, brotherhood and mutual respect. ... Given Ethiopia's existing situation, the problem of nationalities can be resolved if each nationality is accorded full right to self-government. This means that each nationality will have regional autonomy to decide on matters concerning its internal affairs. Within its environs, it has the right to determine the contents of its political, economic and social life, use its own language and elect its own leaders and administration to head its own organs. This right of self-government of nationalities will be implemented in accordance with all democratic procedures and principles Provisional Military Administrative Council (PMAC, April 1976).
On paper the NDR Programme was a radical proposal. However, after the departure of MEISON, which attracted a good part of the Oromo radical intelligentsia and was believed to be the main author of the NDR Programme, ethnic nationalism began to be portrayed as the most serious threat to the revolution. Furthermore, ethnic and regional movements began to be castigated as counter-revolutionary forces and the government's propaganda machine moved against them to complement the war of annihilation unleashed by the regime to destroy them altogether. The Eritrean movements, the Tigrayan, Oromo and Western Somalia liberation fronts had to face the military regime's much enhanced war machine, lavishly supplied by the Soviet Union military hardware (Dawit, 1989)
The regional autonomy programme was resurrected in the National Constitution of 1987, which provided a regional autonomy status, albeit, on paper, to some regions. Based on the new Constitution, the country's administrative structure was subdivided into 29 regions. Only a few of these, i.e. Eritrea, Tigray, Asab and Dire-Dewa were accorded the autonomous status, and even for them it was a regional autonomy of a very severely restricted sort (Asmalash, 1997). Constitutionally, the country continued to be a unitary state and the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia (WPE) was the only legally recognized political party in the country. In fact, political malversation was evident in the elections that followed the declaration of the republic in 1987 in which mostly party members were 'appointed' to the national Shengo, and in areas such as Eritrea, the military officers filled the quota of the region (Merera, 1992). No less serious, in some areas, people were told to vote for party officials residing in Addis Ababa whose names they never heard of or for people they never seen. And, if anything, the regional autonomy formula of the military-turned-civilian élite fell considerably short of what the various forces demanded. The end result was yet another façade for soldiers’ rule (Merera, 2002). In conclusion, from day one Ethiopia's inept military élite applied what can be termed a military method to solve all the country's societal problems, including the demand for national equality and self-rule.
The change of regime in 1991 and the reordering of the Ethiopian State that followed it initially appeared to accommodate the Oromo people's interests as a whole. However, the hope was very short-lived indeed. Following the OLF withdrawal from the T.G.E. as the result of the TPLF leaders’ hegemonic aspiration as well as their arrogance emanating from its much enhanced military machine, the hope of building an inclusive political structure quickly gave way to open confrontation and new round of conflict.
V. The Post-1991 Experiments and the Oromo Question
5.1. The Promises Made in the Early Years
The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and its outer covering, the EPRDF assumed state power in May 1991 with triple promises: to create a nation-state of equals by ending ethnic domination and democratize the Ethiopian State and society by ending centuries of autocratic/authoritarian rule. (Merera, 2002). It has further promised to create peace and stability, which taken together hoped to bring about quick economic development and prosperity for all citizens of the country.
In what appears to be a practical implementation of the promises made on paper, a Conference to establish a Transitional Government was convened in July 1991, to which some two dozens political movements including four Oromo-based groups were invited. (6) With the benefits of hindsight, the interest of the TPLF/EPRDF to invite the Oromo movements seemed to be less for the genuine share of power and more for getting the much needed international legitimacy, as the Oromos constitute the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia. Arguably, the Oromos were also highly needed both for neutralizing the multi-ethnic political organizations as well as the Amhara elite who were expected to pose a serious threat to the new regime. And, whatever the real motive of the TPLF leaders, a Charter for the Transitional period, which openly proclaimed the ‘right to self determination, including and up to secession’ to the country’s diverse communities was approved and an 87-Seat Council of Representatives (COR) was formed to oversee the transitional process. The executive was elected out of the COR and it was also empowered to act as a law-making body for the transitional period. Although the seats of the independent Oromo movements were limited to seventeen, much less compared to the size of the Oromo people, additional ten seats were given to the TPLF surrogate Oromo organization, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), which was created by the TPLF at the eve of its victory to penetrate the Oromo areas. Some ministerial posts were also given to the OLF, which was considered to be a junior partner in the TPLF/EPRDF dominated T.G.E.
Officially, in what said to be a response to the nationalists’ demands for self-rule, a linguistic/ethnic-based fourteen administrative units (twelve regional states and two special regions of Addis Ababa and Harar) were formed in early 1992. In the new set up, the Oromo region has begun to loom large stretching from South to North, East to West, across much of the Ethiopian landmass. Here, it is important to note that the OLF, the biggest Oromo organization of the time willy or nilly gave its blessings to the new political engineering by the TPLF leaders, including the controversial Charter, the composition of the T.G.E. and the regionalization policy that followed, some of which later turned out to be a grave miscalculation on the part of the OLF leaders (Merera, 2002).
The unholy alliance between the victorious TPLF and the OLF was neither a partnership of equals nor could hold for long. What created a serious tension between the TPLF and the OLF, among others, were the contradictory aspirations of the two organizations, i.e. the former’s hegemonic aspiration to recreate Ethiopia around the centrality of the Tigrayan elite and the latter’s aspiration to share power comparable to the size of the Oromo people. The intoxication of the TPLF leaders by the impressive military victory they achieved in the battlefield left no room for political sobriety while the rising tide of Oromo nationalism forced the OLF not to moderate its demands. Furthermore, the TPLF leaders thought they could easily destroy the OLF on a one hand, and redirect and control Oromo nationalism under the leadership of the OPDO on the other. The OLF leadership on its part appears to have calculated, that it can easily mobilize the giant Oromo population against the TPLF-led minority regime. It seems, the expectations of both have not been materialized to date. The TPLF leaders have weakened the OLF, but they could not win the heart of the Oromos and captivate Oromo nationalism through a captive organization, the OPDO whose leaders are considered dependent at best and ex-prisoners of war in the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) and TPLF hands at worst.
As expected, the total rapture between the TPLF and OLF came in 1992, and since then the OLF has been engaged in a low intensity conflict. Another Oromo organization, the Oromo National Congress (ONC), was created in April 1996 with a stated objective of seeking to resolve the Oromo question within a framework of greater Ethiopia in a context of real self-rule and shared-rule. But, despite its relative successive in boldly articulating the right to self-determination to be defined as genuine self-rule and real autonomy by advancing the democratic principle of ‘one man, one vote’, it has faced stubborn resistance from both from the organized Oromo movements and/or the Oromo intelligentsia. And, misunderstanding from friends and serious obstruction from the dictatorial regime virtually paralyzed its activities until the May 2005 elections, after which it is able to emerge as one of the major political force in the country – now holding by far the largest Oromo opposition seats in the country’s Parliament.
To sum up, the forcing out of the OLF from the legal political process in 1992 and the continued foundering of the Ethiopian democratization, have led the Oromos to a new type of political and economic marginalization. The OPDO, true to its creation by the TPLF itself - could not move beyond the structural limits and opportunities given to it by its creators, and hence has become an instrument of indirect rule, a classic case of controlling the fate and resources of other peoples. (8) And, as the OPDO appears to lack both the legitimacy to represent the Oromo people and the educational skill to run a transparent and accountable administration, there are a lot of compounded problems in the Oromo areas. As a result, human rights violations have been high, elections were seriously flawed, economic development seems to be lagging in Oromo areas seen in light of their potential for development and contribution to the national treasury.
Since the local and regional elections of June 1992, several national and regional elections were held in 1994, 1995, 2000 and 2001. The 1994 elections were for a Constituent Assembly, whose role was limited to the rubber-stamping of the TPLF authored National Constitution. The 1995 elections were to bring to a close, the long-delayed transition period and to manufacture public support and legitimacy to the new regime through “popular” elections as promised in the 1991 Charter. The 2000 national and regional elections and the local election that followed them in 2001 were all aimed at further consolidation of power by the TPLF/EPRDF.
VI. Problems Associated with the Way Forward
The central problem in the Oromo question has always been lack of broader consensus on the way ahead. To be sure, the controversy regarding which way forward has continued to haunt organized Oromo movements, although much is clearer now than the late 1970s and the 1990s. The problem goes back to the very origin of modern Oromo nationalism, which was coincided with and influenced by two competing currents: the country–wide nationalist currents aimed at reforming as well as remaking the Ethiopian State as a whole and the sub-nationalists currents, which adheres to the ‘right to self-determination’ – with the ultimate goal creating separate state of ones own. Unfortunately, the younger generation Oromo intelligentsias who have assumed the leadership of Oromo nationalism have been operating under the influence of the opposing currents. And, before the debate over the all important question: which way forward has been matured either way, the task creating political organizations started. First came MEISON, which was able to attract the leading Oromo intellectuals of that generation. It was followed by Ethiopian National Liberation Front (ENLF), the former an all Ethiopian movement with the project of a socialist revolution and the latter an Oromo movement with the objective liberating all the peoples of Ethiopia as a whole. The Ethiopian revolution of 1974 not only caught many by surprise, but has further complicated the right way to salvation.
Firstly, it led to the general awakening among the Oromos, especially among the Oromo intellectuals as well as the youth by heralding the possibility of change. Secondly, it led to mushrooming of Oromo political groups: OLF, Echat, Bilsuma, Oromia, ONDM, etc; most of which later merged with the OLF. Sadly, the mushrooming of Oromo political organizations – instead of leading to a real and honest debate over the critical issue of which way forward – “the mentality of I know better than you; I am more authentic Oromo nationalists than you; I am more genuine for the cause than you; my road is the only road to heaven; I am holier than you, etc;” made genuine debate nearly impossible. Far worse, emotions carried the day as the battle-line was drawn along “Red Gobenas” and “narrow nationalists” lines. Especially, the type of Cold War politics between members of MEISON and ECHAT had frustrated all attempts to forge unity around a common cause, for a common goal. Consequently, more energy and resources were spent to undermine each other than fighting the common enemy until most of us found ourselves behind iron bars. Surprisingly, although detent was generally observed, the Cold War politics among members of MEISON and ECHAT did not fully stopped even in prison cells. And hence, partly because of our futile exercise and partly because of the equally bad turmoil in the country’s wider political environment a cream of one generation was decimated, thousands herded to prisons and tortured while others fled into exile. Sadly, the opportunity created by the popular democratic upsurge of 1974 to remake the Ethiopian empire in the manner that ensures the fundamental rights of our people by creating a nation-state of unequal had been lost.
It appears; those of us who survived the ordeal of years of prison solitude, hardships in the bush or exile life - despite our reflection over our failure of achieving the necessary Oromo unity to make a great leap forward, the lessons of the past have not been fully grasped. To be sure, even the OLF, which came out of the crisis precipitated by the bloody military interlude of the 1970s and 1980s as a major political force in Oromo politics neither could fully overcame the legacy of the years of division nor could have fully convinced its followers regarding the future direction of the struggle when it joined the TPLF-led TGE in 1991. Here, although I am not opposing the judgment of the OLF leadership in joining the TGE – as it undoubtedly came out of that political venture as a much larger potent political force – I still think, it has not drawn enough lessons from the similar venture of the MEISON leadership a decade and half earlier. Still worse, the many of the Oromo political movements, which share the political philosophy of the OLF, i.e. the right to self-determination, could not go beyond critiquing the OLF leadership for its real as well as imagined mistakes.
The ONC, which was created in 1996 to advocate a third-line as a way forward has been caught between the capitulatist line represented by the OPDO and a radical line advocated by many Oromo political groups still fighting for survival – as indicated earlier despite its emergence as the largest independent Oromo Voice in the Country’s Parliament.
Today, as the popular struggles for real autonomy and democracy have continued across Oromia by the independent Oromo movements, the OPDO, which has been assigned to play a devil’s role in Oromo politics, has continued to create road-blocks against the aspiration of our people for self-rule. Far worse, with a sense of failure it is turning the Oromo region into ‘a big prison house’, where citizens live in fear and frustration.
What should be underlined here is that as the popular struggle for real autonomy and self-rule has continued, so also is the division and/or confusion among the Oromo movements regarding the way forward. The Cold War type politics, which has been with us is taking a new turn with the OLF recent bold move at a critical moment in our history where the crisis of the Ethiopian state appears to have created both the opportunity and possibility of achieving self-rule and shared-rule for Oromos as well as the rest of Ethiopian peoples as a whole. And, by continuing to fight our endless Cold War and as the result of our failure to devise a realistic common agenda with others, we could not galvanize our forces for the ultimate goal of remaking Ethiopia as a democratic common home. In the meantime because of our folly thousands of Oromo youth are languishing in prison while millions are daily facing the unmitigated measures of the repressive regime. Therefore, it is time that this generation of Oromos stops its endless Cold War type politics and assumes the leadership of the remaking of the Ethiopian state so as to create a nation state of equals by ending centuries of authoritarian rule.
VII. Concluding Remarks
This paper has argued that the incorporation of the bulk of the Oromo people into the expanding empire state of Ethiopia in the second half of the 19th century on un-equal terms and the Oromos own historic expansion in the earlier centuries across the vast land - today known as Ethiopia, have created a complex dual history which in turn has complicated the Oromo people’s quest for the right to self-determination and democracy. The paper also has further argued that if the debate - which way forward - that has lived with us for a generation is to be answered by our generation, the complex reality regarding the dual history of the Oromo nation as well as the existing global politics should be taken into consideration, and hence the struggle of our people should be focused on how to achieve both ‘self-rule’ and ‘shared-rule.’
Consequently, this in turn needs a formulation of a common rallying agenda for all Oromo democratic forces and the people at large. Put differently, in the formulation and articulation of a common agenda for our people: two historic compromises have to be made – i.e. the coming of independent Oromo movements to the middle road as well as the courage to link up the Oromo people’s struggle for ‘self-rule’ with the Ethiopian peoples struggle for ‘shared–rule’ based on a universally accepted democratic principle of ‘one man, one vote’. Such historic compromises can only be made through a readiness to build a democratic common home. Today, the most serious challenge for Oromo movements is the courage to leave behind the historical injustice done to our people - without necessarily forgetting it, and devise a political strategy that ensures majority-rule.
Here as I have always argued, if history had given the Amharas the opportunity of leading the making of modern Ethiopia on unequal terms in the second half of the 19th century, there is no reason why the same history can’t now avail the Oromo people the opportunity of playing a leading role in the remaking of Ethiopia on equal terms in the 21st century. As such the challenge to all of us is the challenge either to accept and lead the common struggle for democracy or reject it and elongates the misery of millions of our people. It is the belief of this writer that both geography and demography support the Oromo movements to lead the struggle for democracy in the country by paying less cost while their shying away from assuming such a historical role is what has undoubtedly elongated the birth pang of democratic Ethiopia and the misery of our people. The central question now is: are we ready to assume such a role?
In conclusion, what should be emphasized in light of our preceding discussion is the urgent need for rethinking by the organized Oromo movements and the intelligentsia so as to devise a common agenda with others for the democratization of the Ethiopian state as a whole in all honesty. This could help us to overcome our chronic problem of fragmentation and frustrate the divide and rule policy of the ruling-party, which in turn help us to galvanize public support at home and international solidarity abroad so as to exert enough pressure on the power that be to the legitimate demands of the diverse peoples of Ethiopia for peace, democratic governance and meaningful economic development. Finally, even if it is out of fashion to quote Karl Marx in the capitalist world heartland, I say don’t forget his immortal words: “Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please..”. Eighteenth Brumaire
Endnotes
1. Ethiopia with its existing boundaries took its present shape in the last quarter of the 19th century in the process of the expansion of the Ethiopian State.
2. Most of the current political problems of Ethiopia took root in the process of the creation of the modern empire-state in the last quarter of the 19th century. For instance, highland Eritrea was detached from Tigray and became an Italian colony from 1890 to 1896 when Menelik willy-nilly abandoned it to the Italians. The Tigrayan élite began to feel dominated when they were reduced to second-class status following the death of Yohannes in 1889 while a larger part of the Oromo and the rest of the southern peoples population were brought under the Ethiopian state during this period on unequal terms. Hence, the current political crisis in the country is linked to these events of the 19th century one way or another.
3. The introduction of the firearms into Shewa in abundance had decisively shifted the balance of force in favour of the conquering army of Menelik. In fact, the resistance of most of the indigenous peoples of the South became futile mainly because of the superior firearms employed by Menelik’s invading army.
4. Most of the old southern Ethiopian towns were products of the garrison settlements created for political as well as military control of the various parts of the South. They soon developed both as administrative and commercial centres of the respective areas.
5. Many observers of Ethiopian politics make a distinction between North and South Ethiopia in many major respects: the political institutions, the land-ownership system and other instruments of oppression. See for instance, Markakis (1974) and Addis Hiwot (1975), the extent to which the people of the South suffered dual oppression - markedly different from the North.
6. This conference was the first time that Oromo organizations negotiated and participated in formation of Ethiopian government in the name of Oromos. For the OLF version of the story, see Leenco Lata (1998; 1999).
7. According to many observers of Ethiopian politics, the OPDO was created out of the ex-prisoners of war in the hands of both TPLF and EPLF. (See Young, 1997: 166; Pausewang, S. et al 2002: 14; Leenco, 1999).
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Yakkamaan Yakka warri biraa raawwate irraa wacuuf hamilee hin qabaatu !

Waanan sagalee VOA sagantaa qophii afaan amaaraa irraa dhaggeeffadhe tokko tu waan gabaabduu kana jechuuf nakakaase. Ilmaan habashaa yakka faashistummaa Mossoloniin irrati raawwateef bataksaanni Vaatikaan harkka keessaa qabdi waan ta'eef Uumata keenya dhiifama gaafachuu qabdi jechaa jiru. Koree dhimma kana hordoftee raawwachiiftus dhaabanii ykn hundeesanii socho'aa akka jiran hibsan.

Issaan yakka faashistummaa waggaa jaatamman kanaan dura sirni bulchiisa Mootummaa Mossooloonii irrati raawwateef bataksaanni Vaatiikaan harkka keessaa qabdii dhiifama gaafachuu fi gumaa baasuu qabdi jedhanii dhaabbata mootummoota Addunyaa waliigalanii / UN / ti iyyachuuf socho'aa jiru.

Dhugaadha weerara Mossoolooniin biyya ET irrati raawwateen miidhaan gumaa fi dhiifama gaafachiisu hin raawwatamne jechuun hin danda'amu. Habashoonni kun yakka faashistummaa waggoota shaniif mootummaa Itaalii yaroo sanaatiin ET irrati raawwateen Lubuu namaa miliyoona tokko ga'uu, Bataksaanota dhibba lamaa olii fi loowwan adda addaa milioona kudha afur akkasumas qeesota Ortodoksii amma tokkotu barbadaayee jedhu.

Daljjeetiin boodaa luqa'iinsa Daljeetii duraati quba qabdi jedha makmaakisi. Kan warra kanaa garuu gargachoo kanduraa kan boodaati quba qabuu dha fakkaata. Waggaa dhibbaan ykn Jaarraa tokkoon fuuldura habashoonni sirna koloneeffataa mootumaa minilikiin OROMIYAA weeraran yakka duguuginsa sanyii ilmaan OROMO irrati gara jabeenyaan raawwataniin lubbuun darbe, qabeenyaan barbadaaye, Galma Abbaa gadaa fi Qaalluu diiggamee fi hilma namaa akka saawwanii gabaa dhaabbatee gurgurmeef itti gaafatama gumaa issaanirra jiruuf otoo gumaa hin kanfalinii fi dhiifama hin gaafatiin waan nurrati raawwatame jedhan kanaaf wacuuf qaanii dhabuun issaanii warratiin kun ammam ofittoo fi wacwacoo ijja cim'aatiin nama hilaaluu hi qaaneffanne akka ta'an hubachiisa.

Har'a issaan yoo yaakka mootummaan faashishitii Ixxaaliyaa Mossoolooniin ogganame raawwateef Bataksaanni vaatikaan deegaruun ishee yakka ta'uu yoo beekan, bataksaanni saanii yakka faashishitummaa Mootummaan issaanii Minilikiin ogganame raawwatee fi deeggarsa kenuun ishee dhiga dhangala'eef ililchuun ishee sirna mootummaa sanaa wajjin lafaa fi qabeenya warra weeraramee saamtee hirmachuun ishee, Galma abbaa Gadaa fi qaalluu diigdee bataksaana irrati ijjaarrachuun ishee fi Humnaan amantii fi maqaa namaa jijjiiruun ishee badhaasa ta'uuf jira jechaa dhaa ?

Yoo Bataksaanni Vaatikaan yakka mootummaan Mossoloonii bara shan keessati raawwateef, lubbuu namaa miliyoona tokko galaafatee fi qeesota habashaa kana keessati gaaga'amaniif gumaa baasuu fi dhiifama gaaffachuuf dirqamti taate bataksaanni Ortodoksii saanii Jaarraa tokkoo oliif diroo itti wal dabarsee lubbuu miliyoonota baay'ee,galaafate, qabeenyaa amanaan issaa hin beekkamne barbadaayeef, galma abbaa gadaa fi qaalluu diiggamee fi lubbuu Qaalluu fi Abbaa gadaa weerara kanaan gaaga'ameef fi amantii Waaqeffannaa amma dhabamuu ti qaqabeef qooda guddaa sirna mootummaa faashishitii saanii tiin qixxee ta'e igirii qooda mootumaa caala qabu xabatteef eebifamuu qabdi jedhanii yaaduu laata ? Otoo bakki dhugaan itti ilaalamtu jiraatee silaa yaakka mootummaa Mossooloonii tiin umurii waggaa shanii keessati raawwatamee fi kan mootummoota faashishitii habashaatiin waggota dhiibbaatamman darban kana keessati OROMOO fi uummatoota cunqurfamoo biraa irrati raawwatamee fi raawwatamaa jiru walliin maadaaluun mataan issaa cubbuu ta'uu mala ture.

Yakki mootummaan Mossooloonnii fi bataksaanni Vaatikaan raawwatan yaroo yakki wal fakkaataan Adunyaa guutuu irrati raawwachaa ture yoo ta'u kan dhabbates yaroo dhuma gochaan suukanneessaan kun Adunyaa mara irraa dhaabbateti. Ammas yoo maddate mootummaan mossooloonii waggaa shanan sana keessati karaa gurgurdaa fi riqqicha adda addaa walumaa galatti missooma biiyyattiin sun huumaa ishee keessati hargitee hin beekne mul'isee ture.

Kana malees koloniin sun sirna kolonii qaroon doofaa ittiin koloneesse ture. Sirni kolonii habshaa garuu garagalchoo kan doofaan qaroo ittiin koloneese yoo ta'u sirna misooma jiru diigee barbaddeese malee sirna missooma wayiituu huume miti. Kan hunda caalaa ajjaa'iba ta'u dhalataan Uummata Xaaliyaanii har'a jiru sirni dhala namaa koloneesu yakkamaa tu'uu ti amana. Waan mootummaan Mossooloonii raawwates yoo xinnaate hiffati duula misoomaa fi badhaadhina dhala namaa tiif godhameeti jedhee ittiin hin dhaadatu. Biyya namaa dhaqee koloneessuun hafnaan warra hacuucameefuu dawoof dayata tahuun beekkama.

Dhalli habashaa har'aa garuu har'alleen yakkuma kaleessa abbootiin saanii raawwachaa turan ammayyeessanii raawwachaa jiru. Yakka abbootiin issaanii uummata OROMOO fi kanneen biraa irrati gara jabbeenyaa fi doofummaa dhaan raawwatan akka waan qaroominaa fi misoomaaf jecha raawwatamee gochaa eebbifamaa fi gootummaa godhanii ittiin dhaadachaa jiru. Ilaalchi doofummaa akkanaa kan calaqqissaa jiru qotee bulaa habashaarra warra baranne jedhan Doktoraa fi proofeesara saaniirraayyi. kanaaf fakkeenya baay'ee himuun danda'amu keessaa, kanuma bara dhiyoo raawwatame tokko barruu kana keessati xuquun gaarii nati fakaata. Kun kan ta'e erga mootummaan dargii kufee waayyaanee masaraa minilik to'atteeyyi. Yaroo amaarri MA'HAAD ykn yamallaawu Amaaraa hizb dirijjit hunddeesuuf socho'aa ture.

Magaalaa finfinnee olaanaa sagal galma ganda kodhatokkoo keessati dhaaba kana hundeesuuf waltajjii Proofeesar Masfin W/ Maariyaam, Proofeesar Asraat Waldayas, Doktor MOkonon Bishaawu fi kanneen biraa ogganan irrati kan hangoo harkaa fudhatee jiru ilmaan tigree taatulleen doofaa gaabii dachaafate qacanee irraa walti waamanii gaallaa gadyi ! akka fokorsiisaa turan nama qaamaan walgahii sana irrati argamee ijja issaatiin hargee gurra isstiin dhaga'etu natti hime. kaayyoon barreefama gabaabduu kanaa nuti OROMOON gumaa nama keenyaa tiif ilmaan habashaa waan doofummaa issaan raawwatan fakkaatuun dhiiga dhangalaafnee baasuun barbaachisaa ta'uu baatulleen, Kaasaa fi kiisii qaabeenyaa kanfalchiisuuf hiyyeeyyii nuu gaditi hooqachaa jiran ta'anilleen, Baddi doofonni abbootii saanii abootii keenya qaroo dhabamsiisuun raawwataniif, Qooda bataksaanii fi dabtaroonni saanii badii raawwatame kana keessaa qabduuf hifati dhiifama gaafachuu dhaan akkasumas biyya abbaa keenyaa keessaa buqqa'anii abbaa biyyummaa keenya amanuudhaan gumaa nama keenyaa akka baasan dirqisiisuu irrati ojjachuuf ajjandaa saaqame bakkaan ga'uuf dirqama nurraa eegamu garee fi nam tokkee dhaan raawwachuuf socho'uu akka qabnu yaadachiisuufi. Akka ijji gamnaa dura boochi jedhan warri yakka adunyaa kana keessati aggattaa hin qabne dhala OROMOO irratti raawwtee fi raawwachaa jiru waan salphaa yakka inni warra kaanirrati raawwteen wal hin ginneef adunyaa fuuldurati gumaa fi dhiifama abbalaa jiru akka waan omtuu hin raawwatamneeti hilaaluun seenaa keessati gaafatama jalaa nu hinbaraaru. Dirree yakkamtoonni kun yakka warri kaan raawwteef gumaa nyaachuu fi dhiifama gaafatamuuf keessati wacaa jiran gufuu fi gufaata malee akka itti milkaa'an gadi dhiisuufiin dhiiga issaan nurraa dhangalaasaniif quuqma dhabuudha ta'a. Yakkamaan yakka ofii raawwateef otoo gumaa hinbaasiin, dhiifama hin gaafatiin kan narrati raawwatame jedhuuf wacuuf mirgaa fi hamlee itti qabaachuu akka hindandeenye karaa nuuf danda'ame hundaanuu itti agarsiisuun dirqama dhalootaa hunda keenya irraa eeggamu ta'a. Kan gumaa lammii issaaf hinfalmine hirmii nyaachaa jiraata. Akkuma irmii nyaateti du'as.

Kanaaf yakkamaan akka yakka warri kaan raawwte irraa wacuu fi falmuu dura akka yaakka ofii raawwatee fi raawwachaa jiru irraa dhiqachuu akka qabu karaa nuuf mijateen itti haa himnu. Gumaan nama keenyaa kutannoo dhaloota har'aa tiin baati ! Nagaa haa taanu